他们虽然相信革命高潮不可避免地要到来，却不相信革命高潮有迅速到来的可能。
# Though they believe that a revolutionary high tide is inevitable, they do not believe it to be imminent.
因此他们不赞成争取江西的计划，而只赞成在福建、广东、江西之间的三个边界区域的流动游击，同时也没有在游击区域建立红色政权的深刻的观念，因此也就没有用这种红色政权的巩固和扩大去促进全国革命高潮的深刻的观念。
# Therefore, they disapprove of the plan to take Kiangsi and only approve of roving guerrilla actions in the three areas on the borders of Fukien, Kwangtung and Kiangsi; at the same time, as they do not have a deep understanding of what it means to establish Red political power in the guerrilla areas, they do not have a deep understanding of the idea of accelerating the nation-wide revolutionary high tide through the consolidation and expansion of Red political power.
他们似乎认为在距离革命高潮尚远的时期做这种建立政权的艰苦工作为徒劳，而希望用比较轻便的流动游击方式去扩大政治影响，等到全国各地争取群众的工作做好了，或做到某个地步了，然后再来一个全国武装起义，那时把红军的力量加上去，就成为全国范围的大革命。
# They seem to think that, since the revolutionary high tide is still remote, it will be labour lost to attempt to establish political power by hard work. # Instead, they want to extend our political influence through the easier method of roving guerrilla actions, and, once the masses throughout the country have been won over, or more or less won over, they want to launch a nation-wide armed insurrection which, with the participation of the Red Army, would become a great nationwide revolution.
他们这种全国范围的、包括一切地方的、先争取群众后建立政权的理论，是于中国革命的实情不适合的。
# Their theory that we must first win over the masses on a country-wide scale and in all regions and then establish political power does not accord with the actual state of the Chinese revolution.
他们的这种理论的来源，主要是没有把中国是一个许多帝国主义国家互相争夺的半殖民地这件事认清楚。
# This theory derives mainly from the failure to understand clearly that China is a semi-colonial country for which many imperialist powers are contending.
如果认清了中国是一个许多帝国主义国家互相争夺的半殖民地，则一，就会明白全世界何以只有中国有这种统治阶级内部互相长期混战的怪事，而且何以混战一天激烈一天，一天扩大一天，何以始终不能有一个统一的政权。
# If one clearly understands this, one will understand first why the unusual phenomenon of prolonged and tangled warfare within the ruling classes is only to be found in China, why this warfare is steadily growing fiercer and spreading, and why there has never been a unified regime.
二，就会明白农民问题的严重性，因之，也就会明白农村起义何以有现在这样的全国规模的发展。
# Secondly, one will understand the gravity of the peasant problem and hence why rural uprisings have developed on the present country-wide scale.
三，就会明白工农民主政权这个口号的正确。
# Thirdly, one will understand the correctness of the slogan of workers' and peasants' democratic political power.
四，就会明白相应于全世界只有中国有统治阶级内部长期混战的一件怪事而产生出来的另一件怪事，即红军和游击队的存在和发展，以及伴随着红军和游击队而来的，成长于四围白色政权中的小块红色区域的存在和发展（中国以外无此怪事）。
# Fourthly, one will understand another unusual phenomenon, which is also absent outside China, and which follows from the first (that in China alone there is prolonged and tangled warfare within the ruling classes), namely, the existence and development of the Red Army and the guerrilla forces, and together with them, the existence and development of small Red areas encircled by the White regime.
五，也就会明白红军、游击队和红色区域的建立和发展，是半殖民地中国在无产阶级领导之下的农民斗争的最高形式，和半殖民地农民斗争发展的必然结果；并且无疑义地是促进全国革命高潮的最重要因素。
# Fifthly, one will understand that in semi-colonial China the establishment and expansion of the Red Army, the guerrilla forces and the Red areas is the highest form of peasant struggle under the leadership of the proletariat, the inevitable outcome of the growth of the semi-colonial peasant struggle, and undoubtedly the most important factor in accelerating the revolutionary high tide throughout the country.
六，也就会明白单纯的流动游击政策，不能完成促进全国革命高潮的任务，而朱德毛泽东式、方志敏式之有根据地的，有计划地建设政权的，深入土地革命的，扩大人民武装的路线是经由乡赤卫队、区赤卫大队、县赤卫总队、地方红军直至正规红军这样一套办法的，政权发展是波浪式地向前扩大的，等等的政策，无疑义地是正确的。
# And sixthly, one will also understand that the policy which merely calls for roving guerrilla actions cannot accomplish the task of accelerating this nation-wide revolutionary high tide, while the kind of policy adopted by Chu Teh and Mao Tse-tung and also by Fang Chih-min is undoubtedly correct--that is, the policy of establishing base areas; of systematically setting up political power; of deepening the agrarian revolution; of expanding the people's armed forces by a comprehensive process of building up first the township Red Guards, then the district Red Guards, then the county Red Guards, then the local Red Army troops, all the way up to the regular Red Army troops; of spreading political power by advancing in a series of waves; etc.
必须这样，才能树立全国革命群众的信仰，如苏联之于全世界然。
# Only thus is it possible to build the confidence of the revolutionary masses throughout the country, as the Soviet Union has built it throughout the world.
必须这样，才能给反动统治阶级以甚大的困难，动摇其基础而促进其内部的分解。
# Only thus is it possible to create tremendous difficulties for the reactionary ruling classes, shake their foundations and hasten their internal disintegration.
也必须这样，才能真正地创造红军，成为将来大革命的主要工具。
# Only thus is it really possible to create a Red Army which will become the chief weapon for the great revolution of the future.
总而言之，必须这样，才能促进革命的高潮。
# In short, only thus is it possible to hasten the revolutionary high tide.
§犯着革命急性病的同志们不切当地看大了革命的主观力量，而看小了反革命力量。
#§Comrades who suffer from revolutionary impetuosity overestimate the subjective forces of the revolution and underestimate the forces of the counter-revolution.
其结果，无疑地是要走上盲动主义的道路。
# In the end, it undoubtedly leads to putschism.
另一方面，如果把革命的主观力量看小了，把反革命力量看大了，这也是一种不切当的估量，又必然要产生另一方面的坏结果。
# On the other hand, underestimating the subjective forces of the revolution and overestimating the forces of the counter-revolution would also constitute an improper appraisal and be certain to produce bad results of another kind.
因此，在判断中国政治形势的时候，需要认识下面的这些要点：
# Therefore, in judging the political situation in China it is necessary to understand the following:
§（一）现在中国革命的主观力量虽然弱，但是立足于中国落后的脆弱的社会经济组织之上的反动统治阶级的一切组织（政权、武装、党派等）也是弱的。
#§1. # Although the subjective forces of the revolution in China are now weak, so also are all organizations (organs of political power, armed forces, political parties, etc. ) of the reactionary ruling classes, resting as they do on the backward and fragile social and economic structure of China.
这样就可以解释现在西欧各国的革命的主观力量虽然比现在中国的革命的主观力量也许要强些，但因为它们的反动统治阶级的力量比中国的反动统治阶级的力量更要强大许多倍，所以仍然不能即时爆发革命。
# This helps to explain why revolution cannot break out at once in the countries of Western Europe where, although the subjective forces of revolution are now perhaps somewhat stronger than in China, the forces of the reactionary ruling classes are many times stronger.
现时中国革命的主观力量虽然弱，但是因为反革命力量也是相对地弱的，所以中国革命的走向高潮，一定会比西欧快。
# In China the revolution will undoubtedly move towards a high tide more rapidly, for although the subjective forces of the revolution at present are weak, the forces of the counter-revolution are relatively weak too.
§（二）一九二七年革命失败以后，革命的主观力量确实大为削弱了。
#§2. # The subjective forces of the revolution have indeed been greatly weakened since the defeat of the revolution in 1927.
剩下的一点小小的力量，若仅依据某些现象来看，自然要使同志们（作这样看法的同志们）发生悲观的念头。
# The remaining forces are very small and those comrades who judge by appearances alone naturally feel pessimistic.